PQC: Folks, read these two below articles carefully in their entirety and between the lines, if you really want to understand how the power plays with the toilet paper called the Constitution! The Jew-Ish-A is just a prominent example. Every government operates and functions in the exact same principle of power regardless of being big or small, dictatorship or otherwise! Power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely!
As Washington DC Faces Coronavirus Spike, Secret Military Task Force Prepares to Secure the Capital
By William M. Arkin On 4/16/20 at 9:58 AM EDT
District of Columbia Mayor Muriel Bowser yesterday ordered a one-month extension of the state of emergency, as cases in the region grow at a rapid pace. Federal officials in the nation’s capital expect a New York-like epidemic in the District, Maryland and Virginia, one that could potentially cripple the government.
“No one wants to talk evacuation, especially when there’s nowhere to go,” says a senior military officer working on continuity of government planning; he requested anonymity because he is not authorized to speak on the record.
But a little-known military task force charged with evacuating Washington has already been activated, a task force charged with the most sensitive government mission of “securing” Washington in the face of attackers, foreign and domestic—and if necessary, moving White House and other key government offices to alternate locations.
Activated on March 16, Joint Task Force National Capital Region (JTF-NCR) is chartered to “defend” Washington on land, in the air, and even on its waterfronts. The special task force, the only one of its kind in the country, demonstrates how there are two sides of government preparedness. The public face, and even the day-to-day work of most men and women assigned to JTF-NCR, is the same as it is everywhere else in the country—medical support, delivering supplies, manning health-check stations.
But behind the scenes, JTF-NCR is responsible for what the military calls “homeland defense”: what to do in the face of an armed attack on the United States, everything from guarding Washington’s skies to preparing for the civil unrest that could occur if a nuclear weapon were detonated in the capital. But most immediate, JTF-NCR is charged with facilitating continuity of government, particularly moving civil and military leaders to secret locations were the order given to evacuate the city.
Ever since National Guards started to activate countrywide, Pentagon officials have insisted that men and women in uniform are not conducting secret missions and that they will not administer or enforce “stay at home” quarantines. The Pentagon has also rejected reports, including articles in Newsweek, about martial law or other extreme contingency plans, arguing that the Guard remains under strict control of state governors, while federal troops support civil agencies like FEMA.
And yet the activation of Joint Task Force National Capital Region, including almost 10,000 uniformed personnel to carry out its special orders, contradicts those assurances. JTF-NCR is not only real and operating, reporting directly to the Secretary of Defense for some of its mission, but some of its units are already on 24/7 alert, specially sequestered on military bases and kept out of coronavirus support duties to ensure their readiness.
On March 12, families and friends gathered at a Decatur, Illinois, National Guard armory to say their goodbyes to guardsmen and women who were shipping out.
“This is my first time getting to do something big for my country,” Alycia Thomas, 29, an Army Specialist from Peoria, told the local Herald & Review.
All anyone would say was that two Blackhawk helicopter companies of the 106th Aviation Battalion were headed to Fort Belvoir, in the northern Virginia suburbs of Washington, DC. There, “something big” was a special assignment in support of Joint Task Force–National Capital Region.
Unlike other Guardsmen activated under “Title 32” orders—under gubernatorial control but paid for by the federal government—the soldiers of the 106th were activated under “Title 10” orders, strict federal duty as if they were going to be shipped off to Afghanistan or Iraq. Except that in this case, the battlefield is Washington, DC.
On that battlefield, the Illinois 106th Aviation Battalion’s helicopters would be used to evacuate everyone from Army leaders to the White House.
“We are that quick reaction force that allows us to help mobilize forces within the Washington DC area, evacuate people, or whatever that might be,” says Cpt. Adam Kowalski of the Illinois Guard. “We’re kind of like that big taxicab that makes sure everybody gets where they need to be and keeps the government going.”
He and his fellow officers have been studying the Joint Emergency Evacuation Plan (JEEP), the national plan to move Defense Department officials to alternative locations outside the Washington area. JEEP is not the only plan. It is supplemented by Atlas as well, which designates the procedures for the movement of civilian leaders, called “Enduring Constitutional Government,” ensuring the survival of the legislature and the judiciary. And above JEEP and Atlas are the highly classified Octagon, Freejack and Zodiac plans that deal with other emergencies, and the movement of the White House and other presidential successors.
The March 16 order that activated JTF-NCR placed all of this planning under the command of Maj. Gen. Omar J. Jones IV. In “peacetime,” the Army Major General commands the Military District of Washington, an Army unit mostly known mostly for its ceremonial and memorial expertise, providing the soldiers at Arlington National Cemetery, the Drum and Fife formations for parades, the grave and precise standard bearers for state funerals. Following post 9/11 organizational changes, Maj. Gen. Jones was also “dual-hatted” as the commander of Joint Forces Headquarters–National Capital Region, an organization created after it became clear that no single command was in charge of immediate response in Washington. There was not even a single military interface with the White House and what’s called “the interagency”, one organization that would be in charge as continuity of government or other disaster plans were implemented.
In peacetime, the Joint Forces Headquarters is merely a coordinator, with each of the military services retaining control of their forces. But once the Joint Task Force is activated, as it has been now, operations and units shift to what the military calls “operational command.” Maj. Gen. Jones is now in charge. He isn’t some martial law commander who takes precedence over any civil authorities, nor is he out in public telling anyone outside his secretive task force what to do. But he is the military man who would be in charge in Washington if civil government broke down.
Gen. Jones’ battlefield is defined in U.S. law as the “National Capital Region,” which includes the District of Columbia; Prince Georges and Montgomery Counties in Maryland; Arlington, Fairfax, Loudoun, and Prince William Counties in Virginia; and all cities and towns included within the outer boundaries of that area. The Pentagon plan for the Joint Task Force’s operation says that the NCR houses all three branches of the Federal Government, over 270 federal departments and agencies, an inventory of over 880 government-owned and leased facilities and nearly 300,000 federal workers.
It is perhaps one of the most sensitive jobs in the entire military, dealing with three civil governments, all of whom, including the District of Columbia, have their own National Guards and their own responsibilities. The NCR also houses the White House and its two quasi-military controllers, the White House Military Office and the Secret Service. And it houses the FBI and various other federal police forces such as the U.S. Capital Police, each of which has its own jurisdictions and emergency responsibilities.
Most publicly, JTF-NCR now controls the skies over Washington, DC. The operation is called “Noble Eagle” and is the longest-running operation since 9/11, keeping fighter jets within range of Washington airspace on alert, ready to take off with minutes. Fighter pilots on alert for immediate defense are kept in near-isolation, Bloomberg news reported yesterday.
To practice this failsafe mission, less than a week after the Illinois 106th Battalion was mustered, exercise Falcon Virgo commenced in the skies over El Paso, Texas. Over the next five days, small Cessna planes of the Civil Air Patrol—a volunteer auxiliary of the Air Force—flew evasive missions to test the intercept skills of air defenders assigned to another special unit belonging to the Mississippi National Guard. Single-engine CAP airplanes flew mock terrorist strikes to penetrate restricted airspace, an Army range over Ft. Bliss that was gridded out to simulate the airspace of Washington, DC.
During the exercise, old-fashioned radar operators detected the planes and relayed messages to the Mississippi troops, who were armed with surface-to-air missiles capable of shooting them down. All anyone would say was that Falcon Virgo was preparing the Mississippi Guard “for the upcoming deployment in the nation’s capital.”
A second Falcon Virgo exercise had taken place less a week earlier, this one in Washington DC. On March 11, the North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD) announced that Coast Guard helicopters and Civil Air Patrol planes would be operating in the skies over the nation’s capital. The command said NORAD “routinely conducts exercises with a variety of scenarios, including airspace restriction violations, hijackings and responses to unknown aircraft.”
Another Falcon Virgo exercise was over Washington DC on April 7.
The air defense of the nation’s capital is directed from a 22,000-square-foot, two-story blockhouse called the Joint Air Defense Operations Center, opened at Bolling air force base in southwest Washington. JADOC was built to oversee the 24/7 operation that has secured the skies over the capital since 9/11. The interceptor aircraft and ground surface-to-air missile units like those assigned to the Mississippi National Guard are vigilant and ready to stop any intruder.
Now JADOC has an added function. It operates as the secure headquarters and command center for JTF-NCR.
According to U.S. NORTHCOM, the overall military command responsible for homeland defense and the higher headquarters that Gen. Jones reports to, “JTF-NCR brings appropriate levels of military support to bear in the National Capital Region when authorized by proper authorities or as immediately required to save lives, prevent human suffering or mitigate great property damage.” Three military sources familiar with NORTHCOM planning say the Joint Task Force is currently operating under multiple contingency plans, from specific pandemic response operations through White House-directed continuity plans. The highest level plan, the one written for “homeland defense,” exists in case of an armed attack upon the United States or in other extraordinary circumstances.
“As immediately required to save lives, prevent human suffering or mitigate great property damage,” a senior retired NORTHCOM commander says, reciting JTF-NCR’s orders. “That’s the language that endows the JTF commander to have to act, even if he is not formally directed to. Anyone who says otherwise is playing with the truth.”
In other words, JTF-NCR supports coronavirus response efforts in the District of Columbia, Maryland and Virginia; guards Washington from a terrorist attack; and prepares for the worst, even taking unilateral action to carry out its orders.
To conduct his multiple missions, Maj. Gen. Jones has a force of over 10,000. They are doing everything from watching Washington’s airspace, to standing by for emergency bomb disposal, to staying ready to carry out law enforcement duties should there be a greater catastrophe and need for military intervention.
His largest unit, the 3rd Infantry Regiment, also known as “The Old Guard,” normally supplies the spit-shined guards at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldiers and conduct the Army’s most public events. But behind the scenes, the 3rd Regiment reverts to its true infantry origins. With activation of the Joint Task Force, the Regiment has been given responsibility to “conduct homeland defense and civil support operations to defend and secure the National Capital Region.”
Beyond the 3rd Regiment, Maj. Gen. Jones can call on a dozen or more specialized units, all allocated for DC area duties under JTF-NCR:
- The Marine Corps Chemical Biological Incident Response Force (CBIRF), a specialized unit able to provide “swift and robust support” to the White House, U.S. Capitol Police and the Secret Service in the event of a Chemical, Biological, Radiological, Nuclear, or High-yield Explosive incident. Two subordinate initial response forces (IRFs) are assigned approximately 150 personnel each. One IRF is maintained on a constant 24-hour alert, with the second IRF prepared to deploy within 48 hours.
- The Army Special Reaction Team (SRT), a sort of super SWAT team comprised of elements from 289th Military Police Company and 947th Military Police Detachment, infantry of the 3rd Infantry Regiment (The Old Guard); officers from the base-level Directorate of Emergency Services and DC, Maryland and Virginia State Police Departments.
- The Army Aviation Brigade, including the 12th Aviation Battalion, the Army Priority Air Transportation detachment; and the now deployed Illinois National Guard 106th Aviation Battalion. Other helicopter evacuation units include HMX-1, a large Marine Corps unit that provides the “Marine One” helicopter for the President, and the 1st Helicopter Squadron, an Air Force unit at Andrews air force base also chartered with Washington-specific duties.
- A specialized “technical rescue” unit, the 911th Engineer Company, able to conduct urban search and rescue; even burrowing into the rubble of the White House, were it attacked.
To augment the immediate response capabilities of the Special Reaction Team, JTF-NCR has more than 1,000 military police and civilian law enforcement officers under his command, including the largely civilian Pentagon Force Protection Agency. In “peacetime” the role of these various military police organizations is to guard the Pentagon and the various forts and bases dotted around the capital region as well as to provide the protective “details” of bodyguards for Defense officials. Under “wartime” orders, though, they too are tasked to actively help with the implementation of continuity of government. That includes most importantly military police who would accompany over 100 helicopters, vans and limousines that are earmarked to evacuate the designated survivors, each of those individuals now on alert to proceed to their marshalling point of embarkation should the “Continuity of Government Condition” (or COGCON) change.
On March 24, the Joint Chiefs of Staff issued “Modification 1” to the general coronavirus response order exempting any military personnel engaged in “presidential support duties” and other secret contingencies of JTF-NCR from complying with no-travel rules.
Two days later, all “Immediate Response Force” and “Contingency Response Force” units of the military were moved to a higher level of alert to preserve their special military readiness. That included quick reaction infantry units from the 82nd Airborne Division at Ft. Bragg, North Carolina, and the 101st Airborne Division from Ft. Campbell, Kentucky—units that would normally be rushed to the Middle East in some crisis. But tucked away in that same March 26 order were others assigned to JTF-NCR—including secret special operations units, the so-called “National Mission Force”—units that were directed to sequester in operational facilities and split up into multiple shifts, creating a primary and back-up group that would be available for immediate deployment. In theory the separate groups in theory could avoid infecting the other. JTF-NCR has now been operating for one month under these special orders.
Given how many denials the government has issued regarding these plans, Newsweek made repeated attempts to get official and on-the-record comment for this story. FEMA passed the requests for information about continuity of government conditions to the White House press office, which declined to provide additional information or answer questions, saying that Newsweek was getting into “matters of national security.”
The National Guard Bureau referred questions to the Military District of Washington, whcih then referred the request for comment to the Joint Task Force itself, which referred Newsweek queries directly to NORTHCOM. Queries to the Illinois and Mississippi National Guards went unanswered, though officers in both spoke off-the-record. Newsweek also made repeated attempts to contact Maj. Gen. Jones, including sending personal emails, to comment for this story.
Maj. Gen. Jones gave an interview to “Fort Meade Declassified” on March 17, an official and breezy official podcast about goings on in the Washington area military. There he talked about growing up in Maryland and his job as senior officer responsible for the Washington battlefield. When asked what he was doing in his leisure time, he said that he had just finished reading a book about the riots in Washington, DC in 1968 following the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. The name of that book? “A Nation on Fire.”
Though often discussed in relation to nuclear war or a similarly chaotic scenario, “continuity of government” plans can be triggered even by popular, nonviolent opposition to an unpopular war abroad. It exists solely to keep the current system in place, regardless of the cost.
by Whitney Webb
March 23rd, 2020
WASHINGTON DC (The Last American Vagabond) — Last week, Newsweek published a report entitled “Inside The Military’s Top Secret Plans If Coronavirus Cripples the Government,” which offers vague descriptions of different military plans that could be put into effect if the civilian government were to be largely incapacitated, with a focus on the potential of the current novel coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic to result in such a scenario.
The article’s author, William Arkin, largely frames these plans as new, though — buried deep within the article — he eventually mentions that such contingency plans can be traced back to the Eisenhower administration (though they were in place before) and have since been developed and updated by most subsequent administrations, largely through the issuance of executive orders. Arkin also points out that some of these “Continuity of Government”, or COG, plans include the “devolution” of leadership and Constitutional authority, which he notes “could circumvent the normal Constitutional provisions for government succession, and military commanders could be placed in control around America.”
Yet, there are key aspects of COG and its development that Arkin leaves out. For instance, in his timeline on how such plans have developed in the post-World War II era, he conveniently fails to mention any of the Reagan administration’s major changes to COG, including the Reagan-era Executive Order on which all current COG programs are based. Indeed, many of the “extra-Constitutional” aspects of COG that Arkin mentions began during the Reagan administration, when these plans were redrafted to largely exclude members of Congress, including the Speaker of the House, from succession plans and even moved to essentially eliminate Congress in the event of COG being implemented, with near total power instead being given to the executive branch and the military. It was also during this time that the “devolution” aspect of COG was hammered out, as it created three president-cabinet “teams” to be stationed in different parts of the country outside of the nation’s capital. Arkin’s decision to not mention how COG was a major focus of the Reagan administration is striking given that that administration poured hundreds of millions of dollars annually into COG planning and development and also conducted COG drills on a regular basis.
Furthermore, the Miami Herald revealed in 1987, that the COG programs of that era were deeply connected to what the Herald termed “a virtual parallel government outside the traditional cabinet departments and agencies” that began operating “almost from the day Reagan took office” and included military and intelligence operatives as well as many of Reagan’s closest advisers, including then-CIA Director William Casey. The Herald further claimed that this “parallel government” had been responsible for the Iran-Contra scandal (i.e. “involved in arming the Nicaraguan rebels”) as well as “the drafting of martial law plans for national emergencies,” i.e. COG, as well as “the monitoring of U.S. citizens considered potential security risks.” This “parallel government” planned to use COG to install itself as the ruling power of the country and to detain potential opponents of a U.S. war with Nicaragua in the event that the Reagan administration moved to invade the country.
Other key players in those Reagan-era COG developments, such as former Vice President Dick Cheney, former CIA Director James Woosley and former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, are also left unmentioned in Arkin’s article. Not mentioning Cheney and Rumsfeld are particularly glaring omissions given that they were involved in the implementation of aspects of those COG plans that went live in the wake of the September 11 attacks, when both men were serving in key posts in the George W. Bush administration.
While Arkin’s omission of the role of the Reagan administration and leading neoconservatives in the development and use of COG is significant, arguably more significant is his failure to mention one of COG’s major components, one that has gone essentially unmentioned by well-known media outlets for well over a decade – Main Core.
The government’s database of “potential troublemakers”
When Reagan issued Executive Order 12656, he created COG plans that could be implemented during “any national security emergency,” which the E.O. loosely defines as “any occurrence, including natural disaster, military attack, technological emergency, or other emergency, that seriously degrades or seriously threatens the national security of the United States.” E.O. 12656 also put the National Security Council (NSC) in charge of developing and administering COG policies. The NSC official placed in charge of this “secret” COG program was Oliver North, whose name would later become infamous for the key role he played in the Iran-Contra Scandal. During the Iran-Contra hearings in the late 1980s, then-Representative Jack Brooks (D-TX) attempted to ask the following question to North: “Colonel North, in your work at the NSC, were you not assigned at one time to work on plans for the continuity of government in the event of a major disaster?” Brooks, however was immediately cut off by Senator Daniel Inouye (D-HI), who stated ” I believe that question touches upon a highly sensitive and classified area, so may I request that you not touch upon that, sir.” Brooks protested, but North was ultimately not required to give an answer.
As the de facto leader of COG development and planning during the Reagan administration, North oversaw the creation of a controversial database that later became known simply as “Main Core.” The Main Core database, first built using the stolen PROMIS software (more information on PROMIS here and here), was essentially a list of American dissidents and “potential troublemakers.” A senior government official with a high-ranking security clearance and service in five presidential administrations described the database to journalist Chris Ketcham in 2008 as follows:
A database of Americans, who, often for the slightest and most trivial reason, are considered unfriendly, and who, in a time of panic might be incarcerated. The database can identify and locate perceived ‘enemies of the state’ almost instantaneously.”
In 1993, Wired magazine stated that:
Using PROMIS, sources point out, North could have drawn up lists of anyone ever arrested for a political protest, for example, or anyone who had ever refused to pay their taxes. Compared to PROMIS, Richard Nixon’s enemies list or Sen. Joe McCarthy’s blacklist look downright crude.”
Main Core is the aspect of COG that is most often ignored in reporting on these types of plans, with Arkin’s article being just a more recent example. While most of the rare mentions of COG in the mainstream touch on how those plans would result in the implementation of martial law and the suspension of the Constitution, they even more rarely — if ever — mention Main Core. Indeed, the last “mainstream” reports on Main Core were written over a decade ago — all in 2008 — by Chris Ketcham in Radar, by Scott Horton in Harper’s and by Tim Shorrock in Salon.
Given that COG is now creeping back into mainstream reporting, revisiting Main Core is essential as the database still exists and has grown considerably since Oliver North first oversaw its creation in the early 1980s. In Ketcham’s 2008 article on the subject, he quotes then-senior government officials who said that, at the time, the number of “unfriendly” Americans on that database was approximately 8 million. Ketcham further notes that, in the event COG is implemented, these individuals could be subject to anything ranging from “heightened surveillance and tracking to direct questioning and possibly even detention.”
Tim Shorrock, in his coverage of Main Core, noted that the database was seen in use at the White House following the September 11 attacks and there is strong evidence pointing to it having been used by the George W. Bush administration to guide its domestic surveillance activities in the post-9/11 era. A government official who had told a reporter about having seen the database operational at the White House following September 11th “turned white as a sheet” when the reporter mentioned the name “Main Core” specifically. Shorrock’s reporting also details how Main Core includes vast amounts of information on those “unfriendly” Americans, including the fruits of the vast domestic surveillance programs of the NSA and other U.S. federal agencies that continue today and are now set to be expanded due to the current coronavirus crisis.
In a report written last year on the involvement of U.S. and Israeli intelligence and their private sector allies in pushing for new, troubling pre-crime programs, I noted that Main Core is not only available to U.S. intelligence but also Israel’s intelligence apparatus and that Israeli intelligence was involved in the creation and expansion of Main Core. That report also detailed how Main Core was used by members of Reagan’s NSC to blackmail members of Congress, a practice that is likely to have continued under subsequent administrations. It also noted how Main Core today likely involves the same software now used by every U.S. intelligence agency and numerous other federal agencies that is marketed by Palantir, a company created and owned by Trump ally Peter Thiel. Palantir’s software boasts “predictive policing” capabilities and tracks a category of person using the label “subversive,” very much in keeping with the spirit of Main Core.
Main Core and Bill Barr’s Power Grab
Though Main Core was reportedly in use after September 11 to target “unfriendly” individuals for increased domestic surveillance, concern that COG plans in the age of coronavirus could take a more drastic turn and involve the detention of Americans included in that database now seems more plausible than ever. On Saturday, Politico reported that the Department of Justice has demanded new “emergency powers” during the current pandemic and these powers include being able to indefinitely detain Americans without trial. Politico also noted that the DOJ’s controversial new requests “span several stages of the legal process, from initial arrest to how cases are processed and investigated.” Per the DOJ’s requests, indefinite detention would emerge through a new ability whereby the Attorney General or a judge could pause court proceedings whenever courts are “fully or partially closed by virtue of any natural disaster, civil disobedience, or other emergency situation.”
What Politico did not include in its report is that current Attorney General William Barr has spent the past several months fine-tuning and implementing a “pre-crime” program. Officially known as the “National Disruption and Early Engagement Program” (DEEP), it aims to “identify, assess and engage” potentially violent individuals “before they strike.” Barr first announced this program last October in an official memorandum and therein stated that the program was to be implemented sometime over the course of 2020 and would involve “an efficient, effective and programmatic strategy to disrupt individuals who are mobilizing towards violence, by all lawful means.”
A training conference for that program took place this past December and involved members of the Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation and “private sector partners.” One recent DOJ statement regarding an arrest made last year in Nevada, claimed that that specific case was part of the DOJ’s “National Disruption and Early Engagement Program,” suggesting that this program is already in use — at least in some parts of the country.
In his memorandum, Barr further notes that the program’s “early engagement tactics” were “born of the posture we adopted with respect to terrorist threats” following the September 11 attacks, essentially stating that this pre-crime program will utilize methods from the “War on Terror” domestically and on a massive scale.
Given the context of the current coronavirus crisis, the DOJ’s recent request for sweeping new powers and the role of Main Core in COG plans, one part of Barr’s pre-crime memorandum stands out. In the part of the document where Barr outlines what actions will be taken once an individual is deemed potentially violent or threatening, he writes that those individuals will be subject to detention, court-ordered mental health treatment and electronic monitoring, among other measures.
The possibility of pre-crime detention was also present in the DOJ’s recent request for new “emergency powers” in light of the coronavirus crisis, as it specifically asks that those new powers apply to “any statutes or rules of procedure otherwise affecting pre-arrest, post-arrest, pre-trial, trial, and post-trial procedures in criminal and juvenile proceedings and all civil process and proceedings.” Norman L. Reimer, executive director of the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, told Politico that the inclusion of the term “pre-arrest” likely means that “you could be arrested and never brought before a judge until they decide that the emergency or the civil disobedience is over. I find it absolutely terrifying.”
Thus, if DOJ is granted these new powers it has requested, the William Barr-led Department of Justice will not only be authorized to indefinitely detain Americans without trial, it will be able to detain them without any proof of those detainees having committed a crime or even having plans or the intent to commit a crime. Instead, the DOJ only needs to argue that the individual was “mobilizing towards violence,” an extremely vague phrase that could potentially be used against anyone who expresses discontent with the government or government policy.
Furthermore, with the FBI having recently flagged “conspiracy theorists” (and by extension those who distrust or question government narratives of both past and present) as a “domestic terror threat,” the DOJ could even make the case that failure to blindly trust government narratives presents a threat to the public order. Given that the Main Core database in its current form contains bulk surveillance gathered from social media, phone conversations/messaging apps and even financial information (i.e. purchasing history, etc.) on Americans deemed unfriendly “often for the slightest and most trivial reason,” this unprecedented power grab by the DOJ has an authoritarian and Orwellian potential to target legitimate dissent like never before.
With the specter of COG now snaking its way into mainstream discourse during the coronavirus crisis, it is essential that Americans stay vigilant, as these Orwellian and dystopian “solutions” to allegedly protect us from the current pandemic have been in place long before COVID-19 made its appearance on the world stage or landed on U.S. shores.
It is also essential to remember that COG, Main Core and the DOJ’s pre-crime program were all created and are currently controlled by extremely corrupt and fundamentally untrustworthy individuals who have not only been involved in innumerable scandals over the years, but have also installed and supported some of the most authoritarian, savage and horrific dictators the world has ever seen. To trust them with such unprecedented and dangerous powers in a period of national confusion and panic is tantamount to beckoning the horrors of those dictatorships — past and present — to come home to roost.
Feature photo | A biosafety suit hangs in front of Secretary of the Army Ryan McCarthy, right, and Gen. James McConville, Chief of Staff of the Army, center left, as they get a tour of a biosafety level 4 lab training facility at U.S. Army Medical Research and Development Command at Fort Detrick in Frederick, Md., March 19, 2020, where scientists are working to help develop solutions to prevent, detect and treat the coronavirus. Andrew Harnik | AP
Whitney Webb is a MintPress News contributing journalist based in Chile. She has contributed to several independent media outlets including Global Research, EcoWatch, the Ron Paul Institute and 21st Century Wire, among others. She has made several radio and television appearances and is the 2019 winner of the Serena Shim Award for Uncompromised Integrity in Journalism.
Stories published in our Daily Digests section are chosen based on the interest of our readers. They are republished from a number of sources, and are not produced by MintPress News. The views expressed in these articles are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect MintPress News editorial policy.